Нации и этничность в гуманитарных науках. Этнические, протонациональные и национальные нарративы. Формирование и репрезентация
Шрифт:
In the next part I will give a very brief introduction about the earliest historical narratives.
As early as Han and Jin Dynasties (202 BC–420 AD), the peoples living along the vales and glens of areas in south-western China around today’s Hunan Province (see Map 1) were already designated by the mainstream Huaxia Chinese people as Ba or Man (, ). It was thought by the Huaxia Chinese that among these alien tribes, those who inhabited the northern half were descendents of Lin Jun (, a heroic ancestor), while those in the southern half descended from Pan Hu . Pan Hu was a mythological figure with canine features, or being a divine hound himself. Ancient Chinese myths tell that he was given the hand of the daughter of Emperor Gao Xin , who belongs to the mainstream Huaxia Chinese, and from that couple were derived all the barbarian tribes in the mountains. After the 3-rd century AD, the success of expansion of Han culture ensured the Han authority in economic, political and cultural aspects in the South [124] ; and the pattern of expansion was formed: Non-Han people were assimilated into the Han culture mainly through the acknowledgement of political administration of central imperial government, leaving the mountainous areas and settling in plains; while the resistants were forced to move to deeper mountains [125] . During the Nanbei Dynasties period (420–589 AD), many Huaxia Chinese fled southward from their homeland in Northern China and occupied the plains; and the ‘descendents of Pan Hu’ at this time referred more clearly to the mountain tribes in Western Hunan [126] . Researchers generally considered them to be speakers of language(s) mainly of the Miao-Yao (Hmong-Mien) language family and a few of the Tai-Kadai family and the Tibetan-Burmese branch of Sino-Tibetan.
124
Xin Luo, “Imperial Transformation and Mountain Retreat: A General Study on the History and Fate of Southern Barbarians in Early Medieval China”, Historical Research, vol. 2, P. 4–20.
125
Songshu-Yiman Zhuan(The Book of Song: Biography of Barbarians).
126
Hou Han Shu-Nan Man Zhuan·(Book of the Latter Han: Treatise on the Southern Barbarians).
Western Hunan locals living amid Huaxia Chinese during Tang Dynasty (618–907 AD) had already been assimilated to Huaxia in all aspects of life. Yet those inhabiting the vales and mountains kept their own languages, distinct customs and communities [127] . After Tang Dynasty, the range of ‘Descendents of Pan Hu’ in the mind of mainstream Huaxia gradually expanded to include indigenous populations of more southern and south-eastern regions.
In the above historical documentations we can see that before the 10th century, 'the Hmong in classical Chinese archives designates either one or several southern ethnic groups known as ‘the descendants of Panhu\ These mountain tribes were not assimilated into Confucian culture, or to put it the other way, not being under direct control of the sovereignty of Chinese dynasties. It is not until the 14th century that the military expansion of the central government demanded direct political control of the South-western area including today’s West Hunan.
127
Sui Shu – Di Li Zhi Xia(Book of Sui: Geography II).
In the next section I am going to summarise the historical narratives in regard to the Hmong from the 14th to the 19th century. To my mind, this is the period when the ethnic identity was gradually constructed:
In many areas of China where local people formed considerable resistance against the spread of the power of the central government, a certain degree of autonomy remained while the local governing heads paid allegiance to the central government. It is called the Tusi Institution (Tusi zhidu , lit. native chieftain institution). The local chieftainship was similar to the feudal lordship in Medieval Western Europe. Since the Tusi institution was established in West Hunan, the people under Tusi administration were thus indirectly governed by the central government, but the majority of the Hmong remained Taw barbarians’ outside the dynasty’s jurisdiction. Since the 14th century, Hmong people had appeared as a threatening local power. In the periods when the Han or the other ruling ethnic groups had evident economic development and population boom, or had to migrate and expand their settlements as dictated by the development policies of the central government, their confrontation with Hmong people usually led to fierce warfare. The military blockade line which was intended for the whole Hmong territory gradually advanced into the Hmong heartland during the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644), and finally formed a military defence line against the Hmong in the Wanli period (1573–1620). Later, the famous Hmong Frontier Wall (Miao jiang bianqiang , currently known as The South Great Wall) was built along this defence line [128] . The construction of the South Great Wall took over four centuries, through the process of which the central imperial government ideologically claimed that Raw Hmong beyond the wall to be an ungovernable population unworthy of including into the local autonomy governance connected to the central bureaucratic system. However, Tusi also had subtle but solid relationships with Raw Hmong, especially in economic and military communications. Some local chieftains developed military skills and improved their weapon manufactory through learning from Raw Hmong [129] . West Hunan had the longest surviving local chieftainship in Chinese history. In the mean time, the Nation in the mind of the Hmong was almost identical to the Tusi administration. Tusi were allowed by the central government to have their own army, which were not part of the imperial army and had no military obligation towards the government except on occasions of foreign invasion, when they should follow the central government's commandments. The Tusi army was civilian at time of peace but enlisted when wars broke out. Some Hmong people joined the Tusi army and fought against invasions under central commandership as well, such as in the battles against the Japanese pirates (wokou ) who plundered the coastline of South-eastern China during the 14th to 16th century.
128
Jing yi Jishi-Bian Lue Si (Records of Barbarians in Jiaqing Period, 1552–1578: Frontier Strategies IV).
129
Magnus Fiskesjo, “The Southern Great Wall and the Question of the Miao Barbarians”, Conference Paper Presented on the Fourth International Conference on Sinology, June 20–22, 2012.
West Hunan entered the central government’s consideration only during Ming Dynasty (1368–1644). The first formal government set up here was the Guardianship (shoubei ) established in 1513. Afterwards, as the geographic and strategic importance of this place increased, accompanied by the more frequent riots and conflicts between different ethnic groups, the level of administrative institution became ever higher accordingly. The Tusi institution was abolished in 1707, and the government of Fenghuang Ting, which belonged to the hierarchy of centralised administration, was established two years later. In the early 18th century Qing rulers used two different policies and strategies to construct imperial rule in West Hunan, applying to different communities recognized with separate identities. To the communities which were under the control of Tusi (Cooked Hmong), the state political and juridical institutions of Qing were applied and replaced the native chieftainship. To the communities living outside the control of Tusi, who were mainly Hmong communities beyond the South Great Wall (Raw Hmong), certain specific census registers, conventional regulations, land policies and tax policies were applied alongside the state institutions [130] . These specific policies implied that the Qing Empire recognized the region as the frontier rather than part of the nation.
130
Xiaohui Xie,
At this stage, the Hmong representatives and lower officials played an important role in forming the perception of the culture of these communities as accepted by central government, and in mediating the relationship between Qing central government and local communities. The Qing administration of Southern Xiangxi in this period, especially the land policies, led to the tragic confrontation between Hmong people and Qing State. In forming the truce agreements and other similar official negotiations, local communities gradually formed a self-recognition of a collected identity. Thisprocess also included very complicated interactions among difference local forces, and among different communities who were collectively referred to as the Hmong. As a result, the Hmong identity was officially constructed from the nation's perspective and selfconsciously constructed by local communities in West Hunan.
These archives suggest that from the 14th to the 19th century the Hmong identity was specified and officially recorded mainly due to the military and political confrontations between the central government and the local forces in West Hunan.
УДК 94(512.22) «13/19»
ЛИЦЗИН ПЭН. PhD, Национальный университет Ирландии в Мейнуте, Мейнут, Ирландия. LIJING PENG. PhD, National University of Ireland, Maynooth.
E-mail: sunnyleafl984(a>gmail.com
НАЦИОНАЛЬНОЕ ЕДИНСТВО И ЭТНИЧНОСТЬ НА ГРАНИЦЕ: ИЗУЧЕНИЕ ЗАПАДНОГО ХУНАНЯ В КОНТЕКСТЕ ДОМОДЕРНОЙ И НОВОЙ ИСТОРИИ КИТАЯ
Каспар Хирши определяет «нацию», противопоставляя многополярность национального биполярности империи. Подобно ему, Лен Скейлз также выдвигает тезис о сложности до-модерных идентичностей. Таким образом, в этом исследовании предпринимается попытка рассмотреть изменения в обществе в Западном Хунане – регионе, остававшемся в течение веков многонациональной границей Китайской империи. В статье анализируются характеристики многополярного национального единства и до-модерной этничности в истории Западного Хунаня в поздней империи Китая (XIV – начало XX). Также здесь исследуется вопрос о том, как они повлияли на развитие национализма в Западном Китае в период Республики (1912–1949), и то, как они формировали республиканское гражданское самосознание и идентичность меньшинств.
На основании описаний военных действий, образовательных институтов и трансрегиональных торговых сетей природа национального китайского единства и изменения, которые они претерпевали, анализируются через отношения между местными сообществами (в основном, на примере этнического сообщества Хмонг) и центральным правительством империи. Местные интеллектуальные и военные элиты оказывались в центральных правительственных структурах после сдачи гражданских и военных экзаменов или через службу в национальной армии.
Сменяющие друг друга императорские режимы способствовали интеграции местных сообществ путем включения местных божеств в национальный пантеон и спонсирования издания местных газет. С помощью государственных ритуалов и официальных документов на самом широком имперском уровне постепенно формировалась национальная идентичность. Многополярные этнические идентичности возникали в результате урегулирования с центральным правительством вопросов, касающихся использования земель, налогов и квот на получение дипломе о сдаче гражданского экзамена. Эти до-модерные формы национального единства и этничности служили важным основанием и источником непрекращающегося влияния на построение национализма в Западном Хунане в последние годы существования Китайской империи и последующего за этим периода республики.
Ключевые слова: до-модерное национальное единство; этничность; Западный Хунань; национальные нарративы; признание идентичности.
NATIONHOOD AND ETHNICITY AT THE FRONTIER: A STUDY OF WESTERN HUNAN FROM PRE-MODERN TO EARLY MODERN CHINA
Caspar Hirschi defines “nation” in terms of the multipolarity of nationality in contrast to the bi-polarity of empire. Similarly, Len Scales also suggests the complexity of pre-modern identities. In response, my research aims at probing into the societal changes of Western Hunan – a region which has been a multi-ethnic frontier of the Chinese Empire for centuries. In this paper I investigate the characteristics of multi-polared nationhood and premodern ethnicity in the local history of Western Hunan in late imperial (14th to early 20th century) China. I also look into their impact on the development of nationalism in Western Hunan in the Republican period (1912–1949), which took the form of shaping Republican citizenship and minority ethnic identity.
Drawing from accounts about a series of military activities, educational institutions and transregional commercial networks, the nature and changes of Chinese nationhood is examined through analyzing the relationship between indigenous communities (mainly the Hmong ethnic group) and the central imperial government. Local intellectual and military elites entered central governmental institutions through civil and military service examinations, or through serving in the national army. The successive imperial regimes advanced the integration of local communities by incorporating local deities into the national pantheon and sponsoring local gazetteer publication projects. Through state rituals and official documentation at an empire-wide level, a national identity was gradually formed and shaped. Multi-polared ethnic identities have emerged as a result of negotiating with the central government over issues concerning land use, taxation and the quotas of civil service examination degrees. These premodern forms of nationhood and ethnicity served as an important foundation and a source of continuous influence in the construction of nationalism in Western Hunan in the final years of the Chinese empire and the following Republican period.